Edward Luttwak Knihy

Kniha Státní převrat. Praktická příručka, poprvé vydaná v roce 1968, šokovala čtenáře podrobným návodem na svržení vlády. Autoritářské režimy reagovaly zavedením preventivních opatření proti popisovaným strategiím. V roce 2016 autor vydal aktualizovanou verzi pro 21. století, která zkoumá zranitelnost stabilních demokracií během dlouhých ekonomických krizí. I když se svět dramaticky změnil, podstata státního převratu zůstává stejná. Autor provádí čtenáře fázemi puče, od plánování po sliby stability po převratu. Klíčovým krokem je nábor vojenských důstojníků, kteří povedou loajální jednotky, jež musí rychle obsadit vládní úřady a strategická místa v hlavním městě. Podpora armády je nezbytná k zamezení kontrarevoluce, zatímco masová podpora obyvatel není podmínkou; stačí pasivní přijetí. Ideální převrat je rychlý a bez krveprolití, zatímco krvavé pokusy obvykle selhávají a vedou k občanským válkám. Kniha analyzuje vojenské, sociální a kulturní podmínky pro úspěšné puče a stala se klasikou v politologii. Nová předmluva autora v českém vydání reflektuje jeho vzpomínky na invazi okupačních vojsk do Československa v roce 1968.

Edward Luttwak's shocking 1968 handbook showed, step-by-step, how governments could be overthrown and inspired anti-coup precautions around the world. In addition to these instructions, his revised handbook offers a new way of looking at political power-one that considers the vulnerability of stable democracies after prolonged economic distress.

“If you want peace, prepare for war.” “A buildup of offensive weapons can be purely defensive.” “The worst road may be the best route to battle.” Strategy is made of such seemingly self-contradictory propositions, Edward Luttwak shows―they exemplify the paradoxical logic that pervades the entire realm of conflict. In this widely acclaimed work, now revised and expanded, Luttwak unveils the peculiar logic of strategy level by level, from grand strategy down to combat tactics. Having participated in its planning, Luttwak examines the role of air power in the 1991 Gulf War, then detects the emergence of “post-heroic” war in Kosovo in 1999―an American war in which not a single American soldier was killed. In the tradition of Carl von Clausewitz, Strategy goes beyond paradox to expose the dynamics of reversal at work in the crucible of conflict. As victory is turned into defeat by over-extension, as war brings peace by exhaustion, ordinary linear logic is overthrown. Citing examples from ancient Rome to our own days, from Barbarossa and Pearl Harbor down to minor combat affrays, from the strategy of peace to the latest operational methods of war, this book by one of the world’s foremost authorities reveals the ultimate logic of military failure and success, of war and peace.

In this work, distinguished writer Edward Luttwak explores the grand strategy of the Byzantine Empire, which endured for over eight centuries, far surpassing the western Roman Empire. This remarkable longevity is notable given the Byzantine Empire's lack of geographic advantages and military dominance. While the western empire collapsed in the fifth century, the Byzantines thrived by adapting strategically to challenging circumstances, developing innovative methods to manage various threats. Their approach emphasized persuasion over sheer military might, enabling them to recruit allies, deter hostile neighbors, and manipulate adversaries into conflict with one another. Even in battle, the Byzantines often aimed to contain rather than annihilate their foes, recognizing that today's enemies could become tomorrow's allies. Originating in the fifth century, when they successfully repelled the Huns with minimal force, Byzantine strategy evolved over the centuries, producing valuable insights into statecraft and warfare. This interpretive account of Byzantine strategy, intelligence, and diplomacy over eight centuries will captivate scholars, classicists, military history enthusiasts, and professional soldiers alike.

Originally published in 1976, this work examines the success of the Roman Empire from the 1st to the 3rd century A.D., attributing it to imperial military strategy. At its peak, the Empire spanned the Mediterranean and beyond, from Britain to Mesopotamia. Rome thrived for centuries, successfully repelling attacks ranging from petty raids to full-scale invasions. The book poses critical questions about how Roman troops defended vast territories at a moderate cost, allowing for the construction of extensive infrastructure, including highways, aqueducts, and temples. Edward N. Luttwak, a seasoned defense analyst, reveals that Rome's success lay in a combination of military strength, diplomacy, and fortifications, rather than constant warfare. The Romans initially relied on client states for defense but transitioned to a permanent frontier strategy around 117 CE. As barbarian invasions increased, Rome employed a "defense-in-depth" strategy, allowing invaders to breach borders while maintaining control. This updated edition incorporates recent scholarship and archaeological findings, with a new preface discussing Roman statecraft. The book remains essential for both ancient historians and modern strategy students. "A fascinating book, well written and forcefully argued... Luttwak's formulations are as refreshing as they are convincing." - Z. Yavetz, New Republic.

As the world contemplates a future under Chinese dominance, Edward Luttwak focuses on China's own future. Known for his strategic insights, Luttwak posits that the world's most populous nation and second-largest economy may be on a precarious path. For nations whose ascent is evident, the universal logic of strategy dictates a choice between military and economic growth. China, however, is pursuing both simultaneously. Its military expansion and assertive foreign policy have already provoked resistance from neighboring countries, including India, Japan, and Vietnam, which collectively surpass China in population and wealth. If Chinese leaders do not temper their ambitions, they risk facing economic restrictions from these emerging coalitions. The challenge lies in balancing economic prosperity with military strength, a dilemma that could be difficult to communicate to the public. Furthermore, reliance on ancient strategic texts like Sun Tzu’s Art of War may hinder progress; while useful in internal conflicts, their tactics have alienated neighboring countries. To mitigate further global hostility, Luttwak suggests that Chinese leaders should adopt a more sustainable approach, prioritizing economic growth while exercising military and diplomatic restraint.

In this incisive and controversial exposé of the hidden effects of today's free-market capitalism, Edward Luttwak describes in powerful detail how it vastly differs from the controlled capitalism that flourished from 1945 to the 1980s. Turbo-capitalism is private enterprise liberated from government regulation, unchecked by effective trade unions, unfettered by concerns for employees or communities, and unhindered by taxation or investment restrictions. The winners in this free-for-all are getting much richer, while the losers are becoming poorer and are forced by downsizing to take the traditional jobs of the underclass. Led by the United States, closely followed by Britain, turbo-capitalism is spreading fast throughout Europe, Asia, and the rest of the world without the two great forces that check its enormous power in the United States: a powerful Legal system and the stringent rules of American calvinism. Luttwak exposes the major societal upheavals and inequities turbo-capitalism causes and the broad dissatisfaction and anxiety that may result.

Raccogliendo voci e testimonianze di filosofi e intellettuali antichi e moderni sulle libertà fondamentali di una democrazia, questo libro propone un itinerario ideale attraverso testi, documenti, dichiarazioni, e affronta argomenti sempre attuali: dai diritti politici e civili alla giustizia, dalla governabilità alla lotta al dispotismo, dal federalismo alla "devolution", per risalire alle fonti del pensiero politico, liberale e democratico.